As described in the chapter “Political Participation: Statistical Data”, 28 political parties, organizations, or electoral coalitions (24 in multi-mandate electoral districts) took part in the Parliamentary elections in October 1996. Under a proportional representation system, only five parties won 5% of the vote and achieved mandates in the Parliament: the Homeland Union (Lithuanian Conservatives) - 29.80%; the Lithuanian Christian Democratic Party - 9.91%; the Lithuanian Democratic Labour Party - 9.52%; the Lithuanian Center Union - 8.24%; and the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party - 6.60%.

Besides these five, representatives of the following parties or political organizations were also elected to the Lithuanian Parliament in single-mandate districts: the Lithuanian Democratic Party; the Lithuanian Farmers' Party; Lithuanian Liberal Union; the Lithuanian National Party - "Young Lithuania"; the Lithuanian National Union; the Lithuanian Poles’ Electoral Action; the Lithuanian Women's Party; the Union of Christian Democrats; and the Union of Political Prisoners and Deportees of Lithuania.

Local government elections did not result in any great changes vis a vis political party influence. Besides the aforementioned, representatives from the following parties or political organizations were elected to the local government councils: the Lithuanian Liberty Union; the Lithuanian Citizens' Alliance; the Union of Russians of Lithuania; the Lithuanian National Economy Party; and the National Progress Party of Lithuania. But their representations were low in numbers.

Political parties increasingly have more and more influence on the state policies. One half of the parliamentarians are elected in multi-mandate districts, and local governments are elected only in multi-mandate districts, i.e. according to the political parties or political movements lists. After elections public policy is determined by the election programs of parties which won elections.

In 1997, the Women’s Issues Information Centre initiated a research project, “Women and Elections”. One part of this project was an analysis of the election programs of 10 political parties regarding women’s or gender equality issues (Purvaneckiene 1999). The parties were chosen on the basis of the results of the 1996 Parliamentary elections, the results of the 1997 elections to local government councils, data from sociological surveys, and their influence on the life of the state and the society. Election programs of the following political parties were analyzed:

• Homeland Union (Lithuanian Conservatives) [HU(LC)]
• Lithuanian Center Union [LCU]
• Lithuanian Christian Democratic Party [LCDP]
• Lithuanian Democratic Labour Party [LDLP]
• Lithuanian Farmers' Party [LFP]
• Lithuanian Liberal Union [LLU]
• Lithuanian National Economic Party [LNEP]
• Lithuanian National Union [LNU]
• Lithuanian Social Democratic Party [LSDP]
• Lithuanian Women's Party [LWU]

Women's, gender equality, and equal gender opportunity issues were reflected to varying degrees in the election programs of the different parties: some programs did not mention them at all, and others discussed the issues extensively. First let us examine these issues from a quantitative point of view (Table 1).

Table 1

Using the data from the table regarding their point of view on women, equal rights and/or opportunities issues, one can divide the parties into 3 groups vis a vis their election programs:

1. Parties which do not present a clear position on women's, or equal rights and opportunities issues in their election programs. 4 parties belong to this group: the Homeland Union (Lithuanian Conservatives), the Lithuanian Farmers' Party, Lithuanian Liberal Union, and Lithuanian National Economy Party. The parties in this group could be further divided into 2 sub-groups:

1a) The HU(LC) and the LLU would belong to this sub-group; the word "woman" does not appear once in their programs, although they do emphasize the Constitutional principle of gender equality. The parties in sub-group a) of the first group do not declare their position vis a vis questions on women and equal gender rights, or opportunities in their election programs.

2a) The LFP and the LNEP, does mention separate social guarantees for women in their Policy on Social Guarantees. The parties in group 1b) touch on women's issues only formally, and they make no effort at all to understand women's problems. They have no consequent policies regarding women. Their old-fashioned "formulas" regarding women's issues express anti-democratic ideas.

2. Parties which give a great deal of attention to the family question and allocated women to the sphere of the family. These 2 parties are: the Lithuanian Christian Democratic Party and the Lithuanian National Union. In summarizing the election programs of these 2 parties, one can allocate them both to the same group, only because they accentuate the significance of the family to society. However, their programs are completely different: the LCDP program consequently expresses the present day Christian approach of a democracy, while the LNU program has neither consistency, relevance, or a clear policy regarding the family in general.

3. Parties which clearly formulate their position regarding issues on women, gender equality and equal opportunity. This group includes: the Lithuanian Center Union, the Lithuanian Democratic Labour Party, the Lithuanian Social Democratic Party, and the Lithuanian Women's Party.

LCU election program offers contemporary measures to improve conditions for women, though economic measures only. When raising other problems, i.e. violence against women, the election program has nothing to offer to improve the situation. In analyzing the LCU election program, one gets the impression that the entire program is written without taking gender differences in society into consideration; it seems as if "Propositions regarding problems of equal gender opportunity" were written separately, and does not relate to the other sections. The election program mostly touches upon economic problems for women, in which respect it is presented competently.

In its election program the LDLP treats the problem of gender equality from a position of human rights and of social justice. In analyzing gender equality from the point of view of democracy, one misses any declaration of involving women in politics and public office, even though the equal participation of women and men in decision making is a corner-stone of democracy.

In the election program of LSDP, the following immediate actions are laid out in the sub-section entitled, "Woman in the family and society": with the help of various forums and discussions, to formulate a healthy public attitude regarding gender equality rights, interrelationships in the family, in society, and in the labour market; to foster and support the activity of various women's associations and organizations; to foster representation by women at all levels of elected organs; to provide the opportunity for women's organizations to participate in local government; to create an effective system for re-qualifying specialists and employing women, by urging state and private enterprises to create new jobs for women; to activate the education of women in the sphere of questions regarding social insurance, labour rights, etc.; to take all measures to stimulate activity and co-operative ventures by business women; to improve medical services and a health maintenance system for women; in conjunction with professional unions to strive for increased exemptions and guarantees for working mothers; to adopt a Law on Equal Gender Rights and Opportunities and a program to implement such, with measures to eliminate discrimination and violence against women, and to abolish sexual coercion and exploitation of women; to humanize women's incarceration institutions so that they respect human rights, and to not keep newly born infants on the premises. To establish shelters for women, and ensure that local governments provide them with services.

But on the other hand, one can say that they are very contradictory regarding women's and equal gender opportunity issues. The above mentioned claims sound the most up-to-date of all the programs. However, this impression vanishes when one goes on to read the sub-section on "Problems regarding family support and housing" in which the most conservative attitudes are expressed. One gets the impression that the "Woman in the family and society" sub-section was written by people with experience regarding women's problems and with international attempts to deal with them, while the section on social guarantees for families was written by people who know nothing about women's or gender equality problems, or Lithuania's laws as they exist.

Analyzing the program of the LWP from the point of view of gender equality, rights and opportunity is a most difficult task. For this program was formulated by women themselves, and should therefore optimally reflect women's aspirations. However, let us try to look at this program in the same critical light as all the others. In summarizing an analysis of the LWP election program, one could say that in spite of everything, of all the party programs, it does deal with women's problems the most. But its position is not consistent, and even the departure point of its attitude towards women is not clear. Its general provisions claim that the LWP is based on a matrilinear culture, and that it wishes to revive that culture. This term is usually applied to describe pre-Christian cultures, and one could doubt whether a matrilinear culture is compatible with the radically Christian (Catholic) attitudes of the LWP, as laid out in the "Religion and relations with the Church" section. From the claims in the general section one could surmise that the LWP views women's and equal gender opportunity problem from the point of view of democracy and human rights; but even from this position, it lacks consistency. The LWP election program allocates most of its attention on the worsening of the demographic situation, on motherhood, and children. Therefore, the majority of its attitudes and suggested measures are pro-natal. There is a fair amount of attention given to women taking part in politics and government, but there is a shortage of concrete policies to implement these in practice. Because the LWP claims to support the "Action Plan of the Advancement of Women of Lithuania", one could hope that it would use the measures presented in that program, but it is precisely the Women's Party election program which should be offering more advanced recommendations than those in the Government's approved program. It must be admitted openly that the LWP election program is sufficiently eclectic (like the majority of Lithuania's parties), but in fact it cannot be otherwise, if one wants to reconcile the ideas of women of liberal and social democratic, feminist and anti-feminist, and other irreconcilable leanings, within one program.